​​Do you see yourself as an opposition candidate?

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I am an opposition candidate. I am opposed to the status quo and the political ideologies and parties that are part of it.

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What would be the first thing you would do if elected?

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I have stated that I would carry out my duties not at the Presidential Complex (1) but at the historic Vice-Presidential office in Silihtar (2). Therefore, the first thing I would do is start work at the building in Silihtar.

 

Do you think independent candidates in Northern Cyprus have equal opportunities in elections compared to candidates affiliated with parties?

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I definitely do not think so. When I announced my independent candidacy about four months ago, I was aware that I was embarking on a difficult path, but I never expected the media to ignore me so much. Even journalists whose worldview is close to mine are ignoring me. We are not equally represented in the media, and there is a huge difference between our election budgets. So, we definitely do not have equal opportunities.

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As an independent candidate, what are the main obstacles you personally face in terms of media visibility, debates or financial support? 

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Firstly, Tatar (3) and Erhürman (4) have huge budgets. Their parties and organisations have many supporters. It is not easy to compete with the two main pillars of the status quo! Just a few weeks ago, I was told that the weekly cost of 70 billboards was £2 million. A simple calculation shows that Tatar and Erhürman spent at least around £50 million each on billboard rentals. This is just the billboard cost. If you add the money spent on advertising in the media and social media, the breakfasts given to hundreds of people, and the campaign teams, you end up with abnormal budgets.

 

Some argue that independent candidates are ‘symbolic’ and have little impact. What is your response to this perception? 

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This is the second time in my life that I am running as an independent candidate. On 13 June 2004, I also ran as an independent candidate in the first European Parliament elections after Cyprus joined the EU. I was the only Turkish Cypriot candidate in the elections and, despite all the attempts to obstruct me, I received 691 votes. This was more than the total votes received by the other eight independent candidates and was a significant achievement. It was not symbolic at all.

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What distinguishes your vision from mainstream parties and right-leaning independents?

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Mainstream parties are structures that have grown with the system, feed off the system, and are a natural part of it. They are designed to perpetuate the system. This is our fundamental difference. I am one of those who want to change the system.

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How do you see the role of dissenting voices in a society like Turkey, where the political arena is strongly influenced by external powers?

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I see it as weak. In our country, the mainstream opposition works to appease and distract the people. The understanding of opposition that has developed throughout history here is very different from the opposition the people expect. The fact that 'Avrupa' as a newspaper is more effective than all opposition parties and civil society organisations is one of the best indicators of this.

 

Many citizens feel alienated from politics. If elected, how will you address issues such as social justice, youth unemployment, or migration?

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Citizens believe that nothing will come of this political approach. I see this clearly on the ground. Unemployment and migration are like twin brothers. Greedy employers have flooded our country with tens of thousands of foreign workers to exploit them under slave-like conditions, leaving our own people unemployed because they refuse to work under such conditions. First and foremost, we must stop the uncontrolled flow of migrants. If elected, one of my first tasks will be to ensure a census is conducted with international observers. We will also review the citizenship and residence-work permits granted after 2004 and revoke those that violate the rules. We will link citizenship and residence permits to specific criteria and strict rules, as is the case in the civilised world. I will carry out studies on issues such as unemployment and social justice, which are not within the President's authority, and make concrete recommendations to the government.

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How do you plan to connect with communities that cannot make their voices heard, such as workers, students or marginalised groups?

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Platforms such as the Youth Council and People's Council that I will establish within the Presidency will be mechanisms that enable the participation of all segments of society that have not been able to make their voices heard until now.

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Under your leadership, what would a more socially just economic model for the north look like?

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The President's powers are limited in this regard. Therefore, unlike Erhürman, I cannot make big promises on this issue. But by directing the resources of the Presidency towards the poor and the oppressed, we can provide them with some relief. But looking at the bigger picture, if the President succeeds in reaching a solution, economic development will already have begun. With a solution, our people can produce again with EU development funds and receive the rewards of their labour. Therefore, as a presidential candidate, when I promise a fair and peaceful solution, I am also making a promise regarding the economy.

 

Given the current political impasse, where do you stand on the reunification of Cyprus?

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The people's wishes and aspirations are for a solution to be found. At this point, we need to organise a collective solution initiative that is shaped from the bottom up, with the people directly involved in the process. We must do this not only in the north but also in the south.

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What role should Turkey play, or not play, in the political and economic future of Northern Cyprus?

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Turkey's approach to Cyprus changes from one government to another, from one period to another. This is not the case in Greece. Greece respects the will of the Greek Cypriots and the decisions they take, and even embraces these decisions. We also expect Ankara to adopt an approach that respects the will and decisions of Turkish Cypriots. The final say in decisions here should belong to the Cypriots. 

As for the economy, we must ensure that our society is self-sufficient. Turkey should support us in this regard, as it is also in their interest.

 

 

Do you think the elections in Northern Cyprus are truly fair, or are independent candidates systematically marginalised?

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Elections in our country have lost their fairness due to the asymmetric increase in our population structure and the financial relationships in the press and politics. This has been the case for the last few elections. Those who want this system to continue will naturally want to marginalise independent candidates; this should come as no surprise. 

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If independent dissenting voices continue to be excluded or ignored, what dangers do you see for democracy?

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Representative democracy has collapsed in our country. In a place where almost half of the population does not go to the polls, you cannot say that the election results truly reflect the will of the people or that the TRNC Assembly represents broad sections of the population. Participation in elections has been steadily declining over the last 10 years and will continue to decline as long as we are in the stranglehold of two political parties. The Assembly’s representativeness will weaken even further. I think this is the greatest danger. Imagine if voter turnout fell to 30 percent — whoever came to power would be unable to govern the country in such a situation.

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If elected, how will you ensure that voices outside the mainstream parties are heard more in government?

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The fundamental point of my political perspective is a model of direct democracy in which the people participate in decision-making processes. Representative democracy is a necessity in large countries like Turkey, but in small countries like ours, it is much easier to implement direct democracy mechanisms and ensure the people's direct participation in decisions. If elected, I want to build a participatory and pluralistic presidency. Structures such as the People's Council and the Youth Council that I will establish within the Presidency will not be symbolic but will have real authority. They will make decisions and present them to the President. At the same time, these councils will act as the President's ambassadors in society. They will bring the problems and suggestions of the people to the Presidency. In addition, we will establish a digital platform where citizens can submit their suggestions, vote electronically on specific issues, and see their interaction with the state in a transparent manner. This system is successfully implemented in Estonia and Finland, and I believe it will yield good results here as well.

 

Despite being aware of the structural disadvantages, what personally motivated you to run as an independent candidate in the elections?

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I am a professor of international relations. I have published nearly 30 books. Most of them are about the Cyprus dispute. The rest are about international organisations, the Eastern Mediterranean and the Middle East. The region I specialise in is currently a hotbed of conflict. At such a critical juncture, I believe there is much that an international relations expert without the baggage of a political party can do. That was my personal motivation.

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How do you maintain your hope and resilience in an environment where the opposition is frequently silenced?

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Another thing as painful as silencing dissenting voices is the silence of the main opposition and a large part of civil society regarding what is happening. Because everyone is content with their own small spheres of power. Fundamental change in the system does not suit their interests. But I can see that our people are beginning to recognise this reality and that change is coming and imposing itself. I can say that the idea of contributing to this change is the most important factor keeping me hopeful and alive.

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Do you see your election campaign more as a fight for the presidency or as part of a broader democratic struggle?

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The main thing is to be a soldier for our people's vision of freedom and solution. Therefore, I see myself as part of a broader democratic struggle.

 

Many people think that politics in the north is under Ankara's influence. How do you see the balance between local autonomy and Turkey's intervention?

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The UBP (5) and CTP (6) mentality, which has chosen the easy way out, is responsible for this situation. It is a political approach that our people have chosen but which has accepted from the outset to be a puppet of Ankara. Let me state this clearly: if I am elected, I will not be a president who takes orders from ambassadors and acts like a ceremonial figurehead rather than a community leader.

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What changes would you like to see in relations between Northern Cyprus and Turkey?

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I would like Turkey to defend two democracies in Cyprus, not two states. This is what will institutionalise our political equality with the Greek Cypriots. When Turkey respects Northern Cyprus's democracy, respect for Turkish Cypriots in the international arena will also increase. This will make both us and Turkey stronger.

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Some circles argue that the voice of Turkish Cypriots is overshadowed. How can independent candidates like you make that voice heard—or at least, do you have such a goal as an independent candidate? Do you think Turkey's role strengthens or weakens democracy in the north? 

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If, as Erhürman says, the voice of Turkish Cypriots has been silenced in the last five years, why has the CTP not fulfilled its opposition duties? For example, instead of standing like scarecrows in Parliament, they could have returned to the people, boycotted Parliament and explained their reasons to the public. They did not do so because both the government and the opposition are under the control of the same power centres.

It is very clear that Turkey has played a role in weakening democracy in Cyprus.

 

What is your vision for the future of the Cyprus Problem — do you still consider reunification realistic, or could a different model be applied at this point?

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Reunification is very difficult given our current severe economic and social problems. We need to make progress in many areas, primarily the economy, and reach the standards of the Republic of Cyprus. To this end, implementing a transition process similar to the general rehabilitation model applied during the transition from colonialism to independence could be a solution.

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Many people argue that the negotiations have been stuck in the same framework for decades. Do you have an alternative proposal for the negotiations?

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We must build solutions from the bottom up and ensure the direct participation of the people in the negotiation processes. The Cyprus problem is no longer just a matter for the negotiating teams. I believe we can overcome the deadlock by implementing direct democracy.

 

As an independent candidate, do you think you have more freedom to propose bold or unconventional solutions than candidates affiliated with a party?

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Of course. I am accountable directly to the people, not to a party. I don't have any fear of thinking, ‘If I say this, will they call me from Ankara and give me a dressing down?’ This makes me more free.

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How do you plan to communicate with young people who see the Cyprus Problem as a thing of the past?

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Today, young people are not represented in politics and decision-making processes; they are only remembered during elections. The way to break this is to involve young people in the participatory processes I mentioned earlier. The Youth Council I will establish in the Presidency will be the first step in this direction.

 

Can the EU, the UN or international actors ensure a fair resolution of the Cyprus Problem without excluding local voices, and how can they do this?

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The UN already recognises us as a society. The EU acquis is also on our side, but it is not being implemented in practice due to the current situation. What happens next depends on the vision we put forward. I am the only candidate who is an expert in the field of international organisations, who knows the dynamics of these organisations best, and who can put forward the necessary vision. 

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Do you think that pressure from Turkey or other international actors prevents Turkish Cypriots from acting freely at the negotiating table?

 

Relatively speaking, yes. Turkish Cypriots are equal founders of the Republic of Cyprus, established by the 1959-1960 London-Zurich agreements. This is of great importance. An approach that demands our rights in the Republic of Cyprus will cause everyone to take a step back and reconsider the issue. Between 1878 and 1958, Turkish Cypriots fought for their existence and freedom with no one behind them. On the other side, there was the British colonial power on one side and the numerically superior Greek Cypriots on the other. After such a difficult process, we became founding partners. Could there be anything more foolish than giving up these rights? We must stand firm on the rights we have gained in the Republic of Cyprus. Today, 110,000 Turkish Cypriots are citizens of the Republic of Cyprus. That alone tells us a lot.

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What kind of guarantees would you demand to ensure that any future agreement truly reflects the will of both communities?

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Let me say this first. The guarantee system is a model of the old world. It is a primitive and humiliating system. However, the vast majority of our people see guarantees and security as one and the same. There are historical reasons for this. But ultimately, guarantees are not a matter for us or the Greek Cypriots. It is a matter for the guarantor countries, Turkey, Greece and the United Kingdom. Our priority must be to reunite our country and establish peace.

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(1) A Presidential Complex ( built alongside a mosque) in the North Nicosia built by Turkey in 2025.

(2) A former area of presidential palace in the North Nicosia.

(3) Turkish Cypriot politician, academic, and lawyer. He served as the Prime Minister of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus from 2018 to 2019 and is the leader of the Republican Turkish Party (CTP). Erhürman, known for his advocacy of a federal solution in Cyprus, is also a candidate in the 2025 presidential elections.

(4)  Turkish Cypriot politician and economist who has served as the President of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus since 2020. A member of the National Unity Party (UBP), he is known for his support of a two-state solution in Cyprus and is a candidate in the 2025 presidential elections.

(5) National Unity Party.

(6) Republican Turkish Party.

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Image credit: https://mehmethasguler.com/about/